“President Muhammadu Buhari’s anti-graft war
has started yielding dividends. Following blockage of leakages, Nigeria’s
foreign reserves have increased from $28.57 billion at the end of May to $31.53
billion as of July 22, 2015.” – CBN Governor, Godwin Emefiele, during a press brief
at the end of the Monetary Policy Committee, meeting, in Abuja.
Since
the inauguration of President Buhari, the fight against corruption is being
renewed. And the seeming dead anti-graft agencies- EFCC and ICPC, suddenly
gained life. Like I have always posited, when the right leadership is put in
place, institutions auto-adjust to suit it. The leadership of the anti- graft agencies
knows that the President Buhari`s regime will not hold on to that phrase by the
last administration, “Stealing is not Corruption” hence, it’s doing all it can
to make public office holders accountable.
Meanwhile,
you will recall that aside from the act of cluelessness displayed by the last
administration; corruption was a bane the people voted against in the last
Presidential election. The past administration was popularly known for the
phrase; “Stealing is not Corruption and Corruption is not Stealing”. It was an administration of self-enrichment
and patronage, and of illegality. It will be of grave offence to Nigerians if the
corruption they thought have been voted out in the last presidential election
still rules with impunity.
If
you aren`t going to appreciate anything so far about the President Muhammadu Buhari`s
administration, you should appreciate the wakeup call his personality brought
to the anti-graft agencies. Consequently, one can practically say, that the
fight against corruption has been effectively revived. And for the first time
in a long time, corrupt leaders are being made to face the music squarely.
As
a student of Nigeria`s politics and its corruption history, I must commend the
dedication of President Buhari in tackling this menace and I am relieved at the
sight of his ongoing efforts to restore sanity to the system. However, I must express
my concerns regarding the road ahead. If Nigeria’s budding anti-corruption
movement simply focuses on corrupt leaders in demanding accountability from
them it will fail. Nigeria
needs a wide-range reform of the public administration to effectively curb the
menace of corruption.
The
festering plague of corruption and impunity is not limited to politicians alone
and even in their case their days are limited in office as compared to civil
servants that have much more years to spend. The plague extends to the civil
servants who clandestinely support and work in tandem with them.
Going
back to the statement credited to the Governor of Central Bank of Nigeria
(CBN), Godwin Emefiele above, the question is, what then happens to corruption
when President Buhari`s tenure is over? Will those blocked leakages be
re-opened when he`s gone?
The
point is we need strong and sustainable public institutions to fight against
corruption. Any individual will fight against corruption only as long as he/she
is there and when he/she is gone the story remains the same.
Political
elites are more renowned for their use of public power to distribute government
jobs, contracts and other resources through partial political and personal
networks. They exercise largely
unfettered power over the career prospects of public servants. They place
allies at appropriate points in administrative processes. By these avenues,
they often direct that rules be circumvented as the means to an end goal of
favoring themselves and their clients with jobs, public contracts and other
state resources, hence using their political influence on the public sector to
aid corruption.
Experience
in other countries suggests that resolving such corruption requires, centrally,
the creation of an independent public administration which political public
office holders cannot influence.
Consider
the fact that Nigeria today, for the most part, is largely just repeating an
experience shared at some point by the majority of the world’s countries. In 19th
century France, politics was defined by the generally corrupt Notabilier.
The United Kingdom had earlier suffered an epoch of Old Corruption. The British
settler colonies of Canada, Australia and New Zealand had similar periods. The
United States exhibited a ‘spoils system’- that is, the practice of appointing
applicants to public offices as a reward for their loyalty to the political
party in power. Latin America, Southern and Eastern Europe have had comparable
systems. But these countries have been able to curb this menace with an
independent public administration.
What
these examples suggest is that, the ruling party has found itself at the centre
of a fatal convergence. It presides over a public administration that is not
appropriately insulated from arbitrary interference, since political heads are
generally free to appoint and promote as they see fit. Fact is, the need for an
independent public administration cannot be over emphasized.
Germany
and a number of northerly Continental European countries embarked on the
necessary reforms between the late-18th and 19th
centuries. Meiji Japan copied the German model. In the period between the 1850s
and 1910s, the United Kingdom followed suit. They resolved Old Corruption by
setting up independent Public Service Commissions to administer competitive
examinations, which regulated appointment and promotion in the public service.
Such
insulated processes of recruitment and promotion make politicians and public
servants separate organized groups. These groups follow divided career paths
and are subject to distinct mechanisms of legitimacy and accountability. These
mechanisms serve to produce divergent interests between them. When actors try
to co-ordinate irregular activities, these divergent interests pose acute
problems.
Politicians
can approach public servants with corrupt bargains, but an independent public
servant, will not fear being disciplined by politicians if he/she refuses.
Instead, they are then accountable solely to their peer group and to public
opinion. What that means is that they must weigh any financial benefit offered
by the politician against the large costs associated with a potential loss of
professional reputation and income security. Given these facts, it is more
likely they blow the whistle and less likely they accept the deal. (This
reminds me of an alleged incidence between a former minister of the country and
a senior military officer of the Nigerian Army in the Ekitigate saga). In turn,
politicians are more likely to check and correct administrative corruption in
which they have no stake in terms of patronage or financial benefit.
Nigeria’s
anti-corruption movement has suffered for its neglect of such experience.
Without an independent public administration, a reformed and
strengthened criminal justice system, our movement against corruption and the President
Buhari`s effort will only last his days in office.
God
Bless Nigeria.
Ogundana
Michael Rotimi is a Nigerian Biochemist, Socio-economic & Political Commentator,
and Public Speaker. He tweets @MickeySunny.
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